At that time, the majorities absolute were seen with very good eyes because available the party called to be hegemonic in the process of democratic consolidation. The PSOE enjoyed three in a row: 1982, 1986, and, with 175 seats, by the hair, and the escape of the deputy batasuno, in 1989. The PSOE enjoyed the sweetness and the tribulations of power. His minister of Health, Ernest Lluch, undertook Health-care reform and modernized the system. Maravall undertook the Education, much more controversial. In their team was a young Rubalcaba -one of the chemicals which are most promising in the country-, who spent there the hours. It was, said of himself, as "the count of monte cristo". His critics reproach him: and 15 hours a day in the offices of the Ministry for... what the LOGSE? After it, the LRU regulated, that is, made permanent, 40,000 teachers, 85% of the workforce university. Then came the LODE, which introduced the concert with the private schools; and finally, the uprisings in the 86 and 87: the students took to the streets to demand an end to the selectivity and the numbers clausus in the university. Those dicharacheras and finally violent days popular to the Lame Butter, a poor unfortunate who joined the protests sweeping window displays, booths and the clock in front of the Bank of Spain with his crutch. On the 23rd of January 1987 there was a pitched battle. The strikes were carried forward to Maravall. Were not the only riots that had to face the Executive socialist.
'Lame Butter' Gran Via 'Quartier Latin RAÚL DEL POZOJosé María Maravall, caste university, minister of Education, Government of Felipe Gonzalez between 82 and 88, devised in 1986 a reform of Education that ended in barricades of fire. Rubalcaba was already in command positions; now remember the strike and I said: "The education system we jumped into the seams. Expanded more quickly the rate of schooling facilities." Broke out the upset and the students took to the street. Add Alfredo: "we spoke after months of searching for partner. We are committed and we have increased budgets, grants and high schools". That was at the end; in the beginning the Gran Via was the Quartier Latin. The Ministry sent the May of ' 68 and had to send in the riot police on to the streets with batons and live bullets. The felipismo we rode the great pajarraca. José María Maravall defined it as "the start of the long fight of the first generation of democracy." A student was fatally shot in the street Barquillo. A million demonstrators in Spain and a hundred thousand in the Forum, called for more investment in public education, reduction of fees and cancellation of the selectivity. The banners screamed: "The child laborer to the university" or "The son of madero to the university to not be like his dad." Felipe González always had intellectual respect by Maravall. "In the Executive -writes Almunia - his voice attracted more than any other the attention of the secretary-general". However, do not liked to the guerristas because he was of the clan of Chamartín next to Solana, Almunia, Borrell, Solchaga, Leguina... Broke out violent manifas in Madrid and a lame punk Mondragón-fell of a tower of high voltage and went into the chola and cut him a crank - became the protagonist of a version solanesca-unmerciful and frightening Daniel Cohn-Bendit. There was a student and was on the cover of the Herald Tribune and the news in the New York Times. He broke with the crutch the sign for the metro Bank of Spain. He died of aids in Orihuela after insulting the Virgin of the Helpless. The revolt ended with Maravall, even though Gonzalez will again offer a position in the Government that rejected it.
Rubalcaba, in his sitioLUIS MARY ANSON Some Friday afternoon, after the Council of Ministers, I quoted Juan Alberto Belloch in her office at the Ministry of the Interior. There it was, in not few occasions, Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba. Came I delighted to encounter. Addressed to them at that time, the ABC true, and in the office of the ministerial desgranaba information of the greatest interest. Belloch doubled Interior with Justice, was a heavy weight of national policy and, in addition, an honest man and a judge, rigorous and shrewd. Rubalcaba grew day-to-day next to Felipe Gonzalez, who even harassed by the criticism without mercy the so-called by The Country "crime syndicate" of which I was part, remained in his role of a statesman, the best, by the way, the TWENTIETH century Spanish. Exceeded Rubalcaba the fall of Gonzalez, he could be president of the Government, and represented, between the vagaries of the wind zapateresco, balance and moderation. He always had a privileged information, in particular on the situation of newspapers and journalists. Some of my classmates hated him, but the socialist politician was a real man of State. He supported a strong culture and not only in science, also in the humanities. The political history of the last half century, kept alive in the brain. Moderate socialist, understood what that had meant the Transition: the transfer without trauma from a dictatorship for 40 years embodied by the caudillo Franco, the friend of the duceMussolini and fürherHitler, to a pluralist democracy full whose architects were Juan Carlos I, who had the strength of the Army; the cardinal Tarancón, who had the strength of the Church; Marcelino Camacho, who had the labor force and Felipe Gonzalez, who had the strength of the votes. The last and great service from Rubalcaba to the nation, as a man of State, was its support for the act of abdication of Juan Carlos I, which involved the access to the throne of Felipe VI, and reached the 86% of Congress and 90% of the Senate. National sovereignty, thanks in considerable part to the lucidity of Rubalcaba, supported as the new King. Some day, in the end, the great politician, explain how rubalcabeó to Shoemaker, how the sheriff was alguacilado and the traitor betrayed, with the sacrifice of his pubescent canéfora Carmina Chacon.
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